No one could have anticipated the failure of Saif-ul-Rahman's well-thought-out planning, which hadn't even taken place. Following the parallel success, all institutions awaited the movement against Musharraf beneath Nawaz Sharif's two-thirds majority in 1999. In Punjab, Shahbaz Sharif's strong governance was a powerful symbol, while Ghaus Ali Shah held the Chief Minister's position in Sindh under the banner of the Muslim League Nawaz.

The case of Kot Lakhpat invo

lving Saif-ul-Rahman was taken to Justice Malik Qayyum's accountability court. Saif-ul-Rahman received a message on the phone that a seven-year prison sentence would be announced. Malik Qayyum stated on the call, "This is the maximum sentence." They'll impose a five-year sentence. To whom? To Benazir Bhutto and Asif Ali Zardari. Demand echoed loudly for a thorough and persistent insistence that the sentence be announced tomorrow. The sentence was not emphasized for seven years and was eventually announced according to the honest commitment made. Benazir Bhutto was in Dubai, and perhaps, Zardari was already in jail.

Imran Khan's Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) was just emerging from recent electoral success. There was no threat from that quarter yet. This was the backdrop of ongoing events. Instructions, promises, and actions based on promises were happening at the doorstep of Malik's house. The NAB's Deputy Director was assigned duty in a tent, wearing his uniform, and continued with the tasks given to him. A call came on Malik's phone. Saif-ul-Rahman, Chhotay Mian Sahib, and whoever else received calls; all conversations were recorded.

During this period, events unfolded at Malik's home, which were revealed a few months later. Ijaz Haider, the IB chief, reported to the Prime Minister. He was placed on duty in the tent in military uniform. After that, he continued to do the same work that was assigned to him. Calls were made to the Prime Minister's phone, Saif-ul-Rahman, Chhotay Mian Sahib, and anyone else who received a call – all of it was recorded. Why were these recordings made? The exact answer to this question is not available. During those days, tape recorders were common, and the practice was that the recording would be sent to where it was intended. However, Benazir Bhutto received the recording.

Meanwhile, a deal was made with the Chief Reporter of Daily Mail in London. He was ready to come. This was big news – even the closure of the Chief Editor's visa was arranged. He came to Dubai. The complete details were put in front of him. He was a supporter of publishing the story but on his terms. He said, "I will publish this story only if people call those mentioned in the audio." If their voices match, the story will be published. That's what happened. Benazir held the position of Prime Minister again; visa restrictions were lifted. This was a significant relief. It was said that this was a great relief for the PTI. There should be an impartial investigation. The mirror reflects, but perhaps behind the mirror, something else is happening.

The present state of the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf is facing challenging circumstances. It is in dire straits. Every move by the PTI is scrutinized. Although planning is apparent, opposition arises. The mirror shows opposition, but perhaps behind the mirror, there is something else. The movement of May 9 is a sign of difficult times for the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf. Involvement in each role brings severe punishment. Imran Khan says investigations should be conducted both in front of the mirror and behind the mirror. Those who believe that the PTI's regular planning is responsible for the current state, then why the delay in investigations?

The PTI has received the bail mark. It is being called a big relief, and the court also granted Shah Mahmood Qureshi's bail. Is there a backstage play happening here too?